Città Pensile: Piranesi’s Elusive Concept of the Pensile City
Gijs Wallis de Vries
Prelude
When we look at an engraving by Piranesi, it is first of all a work of art that meets our eye. Before other contemplations enter our consciousness, such as the theoretical concept we shall now consider, or historical interpretations that are equally discussed, or an evaluation of the vision of the city in the light of current issues, each and every confrontation with a work of Piranesi is an experience of art. Piranesi was a great artist and his works still draw massive and scholarly attention. In a constant flow of exhibitions and publications, his vision of ancient Rome - ruined and resurrected – takes centre stage. Yet, a discussion of its concept awaits a trans-disciplinary and trans-historical theory able to account for a possible revival of what we shall call the pensile
01. G.B. Piranesi, Ichnographia Campi Martii (Map of the Field of Mars), Plate VI – X, 1762.
The Concept and the Problem
Launched in 1762 by Gianbattista Piranesi with a spectacular map of ancient Rome forming the centrepiece of the Campo Marzio, the concept of the città pensile or pensile city that Piranesi coined for it, did not take flight for a long 
02. G.B. Piranesi, Parte di Ampio Magnifico Porto (Part of a Vast and Magnificent Port), Opere Varie, 1750.
City and Landscape
Throughout his works, Piranesi has stated that architecture must serve the interest of the public, calling the Romans exemplary in that respect. They knew how to build “per l’utile, per la permanenza, e per lo stupor” (“for utility, for durability, and for
03. G.B. Piranesi, Emissario del Lago Albano (Outlet of the Aqueduct from Lake Albano), 1762.
If the unity of utility, solidity, and beauty is the issue, the question arises to whom it may concern. Piranesi dedicated the Campo Marzio to Robert Adam after having deleted a previous dedication to Lord Charlemont who failed to fulfil his promise to sponsor the
04. The Adelphi Terrace by Robert and James Adam, London, built 1768-1772, a fragment of a pensile city; and C.N. Ledoux, La vue perspective de la ville de Chaux (Project for an ideal city), 1773 (Published 1804).
In the late twentieth century, the paradigm of the ’archipelago city’ of Ungers and Koolhaas might count as an avatar of the pensile city, if it would focus less on generic typologies. Piranesi’s extravaganza somehow relives in incredibly dense cities like Hong Kong, or in projects like the urban walkway on an abandoned railway viaduct in Paris and the highline in New York. Green reuse of industrial heritage pursues the way the pensile city allows nature to penetrate into the built-up world: an architectural landscape. Landscape is a cultural construct expressing our relation to nature in poems, pictures, and

05. ‘Terrain vague’: rough in-between space in a detail of Plate IX of the Ichnographia of the Campo Marzio.
Words and Objects
‘Nature is a temple, where living columns
Sometimes utter confused words,
Man wanders in a forest of symbols
That watch him with familiargazes.’ [20]
As Piranesi wrote in a letter to Nicola Giobbe, whom he thanks for introducing him to the treasures of Rome, ruins are speaking. Did he only imagine that they speak? Stones do not speak our language, unless through inscriptions, but Piranesi renders brick and marble like animated objects. The ruins he loves are objects that speak to us, subjects. In the same letter, Piranesi recounts what the ruins speak about: ‘that blissful perfection’ (‘quella beata perfezione’). To him ruins are not objects for melancholic contemplation, as they were for Gibbon, when he recalled that ‘I sat musing amidst the ruins of the Capitol’ when inspired to write ‘The history of the Decline and fall of the Roman

06. G.B. Piranesi, Scenographia Campi Martii, Plate II, with the remains of the mausoleum of Hadrian (centre-left).
If Piranesi makes the ruins speak to us, he can do so because they already

07. G.B. Piranesi, Pianta di Roma (Map of Rome with pieces of the ancient Forma Urbis arranged around a map indicating the remains of classical Rome), Antichità Romane, I, 1756.
Figures of Magnificence
For Piranesi, magnificence meant more than greatness, in Della Magnificenza ed Architettura de’ Romani, he equalled Roman architecture with
08. Details of the Ichnographia, Plate VI, with Cubicula and Domus Plebejae next to Monuments, the Via Triumphalis zigzagging between them, crossing the Tiber off the axis of the Mausoleum of Hadrian.
There is another feature that nibbles at them, without diminishing their stature, and that is the empty in-between. Smallness and bigness coexist, as do form and formlessness. If the pensile city is composed of buildings, and if the mausoleums occupy extensive grounds, they never make up a city. Many complexes include atriums, gardens, porticoes and other open-air spaces, but no building, however big, is like a city. In the renaissance, Alberti conceived a building as a city, and vice versa, compared streets to corridors, and squares to rooms, but this analogy does not apply to the pensile city. Such an analogy does hold true for the famous map of Rome by Nolli, a contemporary of

09. G.B. Nolli, Nuova Pianta di Roma, 1748, detail around the Piazza Navona, clearly showing the poché and formal spaces cut into it.
In the ichnographia every figure exists by itself, and is independent from the ground, which it neither encloses nor
10. Ara Ditis et Proserpina (Sanctuary of Hades and Proserpina), and a detail of a small scenography of the Campo Marzio.
The Maze and the Ground
The Campo Marzio is a maze of forums, theatres, stadiums, temples, sacred groves, graves, mausoleums, museums, libraries, zoos, baths, porticoes for aimless strolls, and gardens for carefree lingering… It is not a residential zone, and houses are few and far between, while the odd shop, factory or brothel hides between the great and the grand. And there are no
11. The deviated Via Flaminia on an inset map, Plate V, and in detail on Plate VIII of the Ichnographia.
In Piranesi’s plan it begins as Via Lata, but disappears in the Forum of Marcus Aurelius. Stopped by the huge Augustan Sundial and the vast Mausoleum of Augustus, it appears to pop up in the Equiria, but that is a racing course and not a road. Piranesi was aware of his deviant view, on which he dwells extensively in the text, alleging precise topographical reasons that led him to situate the Via Flaminia up the

12. Section showing the foundations of Ponte S. Angelo and Castel S. Angelo, the former Mausoleum of Hadrian, Antichità Romane, IV.
Sidestepping the order of the mausoleum complex, on which it would offer a diagonal view (Piranesi’s preferred perspective), it turns left to approach a complex polygon that enshrines the Temple of Mars. The bridges, their aesthetical and constructive aspects dramatically documented in the Antichità Romane, stand alone, heavily grounded, lightly jumping over the
13. The wind rose as a ‘meteor’, and the ‘crack’, details of Plate X of the Ichnographia.
Flight and Fugue
As we have seen, the pensile city is composed of intricate geometries, but they do not striate the Campo Marzio as a whole, which has no orthogonal or radial order. Deleuze and Guattari opposed striated and smooth space, the former characterised by lines of connection and by lines of division, and the latter by fault lines and flightlines that cross connections and open up
14. G.B. Piranesi, the triangular figure of the Ludus and the hexagonal figure of the Officinae Machinarum Militarium (left), with the joint temples of Mars, Jupiter and Venus to the right.
The figure that resumes and superposes the themes figures on the last of the six plates that make up the ichnographia, beginning at the upper left, continuing to the lower left, then to the lower right, and continuing upwards. The axial configuration of the first and the radial configuration of the second theme are coupled in the triangle called ‘Circulus Ludus’, and the hexagon called ‘Officinae machinarum militarium’. This triangulation is enhanced by symbolic features. The round atrium in the centre of the hexagon contains the ‘Aedes Vulcani’, the sanctuary of the God of metallurgy, the maker of weapons and wonders. In front of the arsenal, the dedication of the Campo to Mars, the God of War, is coupled with a tribute to Venus, the Goddess of Love. The temples of the two lovers stand on either side of a temple of Jupiter, the God of Heavens who gathers clouds and brandishes lightning. The embrace of the arsenal by the playground manifests the transition of the Tiber valley from exercise to leisure. The way the river nibbles at one of the three circles resumes the melody of the entire plan. The feature that affects all the keys of the fugal composition of the ichnographia, is the crack that runs through the upper ‘circulus’ and leaves us in suspense. The suspense is positive. When we stare in the abyss that opens up in the crack we realize, in a split second, this is an illusion caused precisely by the act of map making. The crack is part of its art. It would be nonsense to interpret it as an ironic gesture that casts doubt on the entire project. The crack makes sense as it expresses the vertiginous fact that in architecture the ground is never given. What is given is the natural terrain (and Piranesi is accurate in rendering its topography), which the architect leaves after having accepted it, to establish smooth levels rising on foundations that dig into the rough earth in order to lift the building up to celestial ceilings and flying roofs. Here and there on the ichnographia dotted crosses mark a hovering vault. Hanging above the ground, the pensile city itself is groundless.
15. G.B. Piranesi, Frontispiece of the Carceri, second state, 1760-61, and Plate II (the disjointed horizon to the right producing a shift in time) of the Carceri.
Map and Perspective
The ichnographia of the Campo Marzio is an exceptional kind of map, as it represents every building in plan. Perspectives supply additional information, but only partially. Clearly the plan comes first, as a means of representation. How do plan and perspective correlate? We can best investigate this question by looking at the Carceri and the Vedute di Roma. The Carceri are prisons, but they do not have cells and visitors walk freely in these endless underground spaces, which allow glimpses of the world above. It is like a city underground. The series of highly dramatic engravings was anonymously published when Piranesi was young, and again in an elaborate version under his own name at the time when he had become known as vedutista and
16. G.B. Piranesi, Carceri, pl. XIV, displaying massive masonry in an unsettling perspective.
Sometimes an inscription or a sculptural relief is visible, related to the history of Rome from its beginnings as an Etruscan kingdom and then a city republic, to its imperial rise and decadence. The architecture dwarfs the roaming visitors and the chained convicts. The Carceri stir feelings of horror by doubling image and reality, as in the plate where a man appears to meet a lion, the latter sculpted, the former alive. Absorbed in the study of these spaces, the viewer discovers between naked, solid masonry a flimsy, mobile architecture of beams, posts, floors, stairs, and ropes that dangle in the void. Thus, the rock-solid structure provides for a cladding of wood and hemp, living on it like creepers and hangers. In this cave-world, diagonal perspectives lead outside the frame, or cause disorientation, as our gaze goes up stairs leading nowhere. Sometimes, a split perspective produces a kind of temporal shock, as in plate V, where an execution in the Roman days is combined with visitors who might be our contemporaries, unable as they scramble over the ruins to witness the scene depicted on the left, doubling their imagination with our own, and that of the maker himself. If the Carceri were the ‘underground’ of the Campo Marzio, they would provide a baffling traffic system, a mind-blowing means of transport—the pendant of the pensile
Reality and Image
The Vedute di Roma are an essential part of Piranesi’s project to record and reconstruct Rome, depicting contemporary and ancient Rome. The former include late-baroque projects realized in his time, such as the Porto di Ripetta and the Spanish Steps. The latter are provided with texts that relate to his archaeological studies, leading to the speculative reconstruction of the Campo Marzio.
17. G.B. Piranesi, Antichità Romane, III, frontispiece depicting the Circus Maximus, and a detail of Veduta, Villa Adriana, noting the ‘Baroque’ concave and convex composition.
While some Vedute suggest the resurrection of Rome, the Campo Marzio in its turn refers to Vedute of the ancient villa of Hadrian and its capricious
18. G.B. Piranesi, Veduta del Foro di Nerva (note the caption inside the view) and Veduta del Acqua Felice (note the caption as integral part of the scene).
Writing and Drawing
Piranesi is a polemical architect. In Della Magnificenza, Parere su l’Architettura, and Diverse Maniere, he explicitly rejects Vitruvian classicism, attacks international representatives of what came to be known as Neoclassicism, and advocates liberty of invention. His entire oeuvre proclaims this ‘licentious’ stance. Yet, what he writes never covers what he draws. And in the title page of the Parere, he points out that it is easier to write on architecture than to work in it, and it is obvious that he considers his etchings examples of theHistory and Utopia
What is the interest of the pensile city in times of distress and disaster? Could a dead city save the living city? And would a dead language, the Latin of architecture, inspire innovativeNotes
[01] Spuybroek, Lars. 2020. Grace and Gravity. Architectures of the Figure, New York: Bloomsbury. Spuybroek develops a philosophical realism that inaugurates a ‘pheno-technological’ theory of spectral or ‘figurate’ architecture with trans-disciplinary notions set in an ‘anachronic’ history. In Chapter 8, ‘The Stone Reckoner. Of Counting and Recounting’, he gives a brilliant analysis of Piranesi’s Carceri and Campo Marzio, referring among others to Rykwert, Bachelard, and Adrian Stokes, on the ‘luminous life of stones’.
[02] Vincenzo Fasolo was the first to analyse the Campo Marzio in detail in ‘Il Campo Marzio di G.B. Piranesi’, Quaderni dell’ Istituto di Storia dell’Architettura, Vol.15 (1956), pp.1-15. Admitting that “it takes patience to walk through the Piranesian city,” he mistook the racing course of Equiria for a stream, and misread the Villa Aruntii as being in a valley instead of on a hill. He reduced the buildings of the Campo to a tableau of axial-symmetric schemes.
[03] Tafuri, Manfredo. 1973. Progetto e Utopia. Architettura e sviluppo capitalistico, (published in English as Architecture and Utopia. Design and Capitalist Development) Rome, Bari: Laterza. See also: Tafuri, Manfredo. 1983, ‘Borromini e Piranesi: la città come “ordine infranto”’ (‘Borromini and Piranesi: the city as “violated order”’), in A. Bettagno, ed., Piranesi tra Venezia e l’Europa, Proceedings, Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Venice, 13-15th October, 1978. Florence: Leo S. Olschki, pp.89-101; and Tafuri, Manfredo. 1980. La Sfera e il Labirinto. Avanguardie e Architettura da Piranesi agli anni ’70 (published in English as The Sphere and the Labyrinth. Avantgardes and Architecture from Piranesi to the 1970’s). Torino: G. Einaudi.
[04] Wilton-Ely, John. 1978. The mind and art of Giovanni Battista Piranesi. London: Thames and Hudson. See also: Wilton-Ely, John. 1983. ‘Utopia or Megalopolis? The “Ichnographia” of Piranesi’s “Campus Martius” reconsidered’, in A. Bettagno, ed., Piranesi tra Venezia e l’Europa, pp.293-304.
[05] Braccio di città pensile, e navigata al di sotto is the title of a capriccio of built-on bridges, G.B. Piranesi, Opere Varie, plate 22, 1750. He reworked this view for the frontispiece of the second volume of the Antichità Romane, 1756. It was a quote from the Roman author Plinius, which he used again in Della Magnificenza and the Campo Marzio.
[06] Pasquali, Susanna. 2016. “Piranesi’s Campo Marzio as described in 1757” in Debenedetti, Elisa (ed.), Studi sul Settecento Romano. Giovanni Battista Piranesi; predecessori, contemporanei e successori, Studi in onore di John Wilton-Ely. Rome: Edizioni Quasar, pp.179-190.
[07] Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Félix. 1991. Qu’-est ce que la philosophie (published in English as What is philosophy). Paris: Editions de Minuit.
[08] Piranesi, G.B. 1769. Diverse Maniere d’adornare i cammini ed ogni altra parte degli edifizi desunte dall’architettura Egizia, Etrusca, Greca. Rome: G.B. Piranesi. In his ‘Apology’ Piranesi writes that Rome is a mine of material able to “fecondare, e imbizzarrire l’idee d’un artefice riflessivo, e pensante” (“inspire inventive and thoughtful artists to make things bizarre”). See also note 46.
[09] Piranesi wrote “per eccitamento di gloriosa emulazione” in the caption of the ‘Ampio e magnifico Porto’, Opere Varie, 1750. Emulation is a form of mimesis, the representation of reality. Opposed to imitation, which copies its model qua form, emulation creates a work that matches its source qua inspiration.
[10] Piranesi’s exalted version of the Vitruvian triad of utilitas, firmitas, venustas (function, construction and beauty) figures in his study of a tunnel from a volcanic lake for the water supply of Rome, Emissario del Lago Albano, 1762.
[11] Piranesi deleted the dedication of the Antichità Romane to James Caulfield and replaced it by “utilitati publice” (“to public utility”). In a separate publication of an exchange of letters with the British aristocrat, he proudly added that where a nobleman owes his name to his forebears, an artist owes his to posterity. The four volumes of the Antichità Romane form the run-up to the Campo Marzio, which, though presented in the same archaeological fashion, is so speculative that it forms a genre in itself.
[12] Piranesi, G.B. 1743. Prima Parte di Architetture, e Prospettive. Rome: G.B. Piranesi. The foreword, in the form of a letter to his protector Nicola Giobbe, not only praises “Roman magnificence” and critiques the powerful of today, “who should be Maecenas” (“che farsi dovrebbono Mecenati”), it is an eloquent defence of perspective drawing as autonomous architectural practice, which escapes the whims of clients.
[13] Piranesi may have been aware of Lionelli Pascoli’s proposals to modernise Rome projected on Nolli’s map. Polledri, Paolo. ‘Theory and Urban Design in Piranesi’s Ichnographia Campi Martii’, paper presented at Rome: tradition, innovation and renewal, a Canadian Art History Conference, Rome, 9-13 June, 1987.
[14] Corboz, André. 1992. L’Urbanisme du XXe siècle. Esquisse d’un profil, Genève: FAS, reprinted in Corboz, André. 2001. Le Territoire comme Palimpseste et autres essais. Edited by Sébastien Marot. Besançon: Ed. de l’Imprimeur. Corboz’ overview of the history of urbanism and its foundational texts has been translated into English and numerous other languages. Corboz calls Ildefonso Cerdà the founding father of urban planning with his ‘Teoría general de la construcción de las ciudades’ in 1859. However, Arturo Soria y Mata coined the word ‘urbanism’ in a proposal for a ‘ciudad lineal’ in 1882.
[15] Poulet, Georges. 1966. “Piranèse et les poètes romantiques français,” La Nouvelle Revue Française,Vol.160, pp.660-671, 849-862. Poulet discusses Hugo, Baudelaire, Gautier and Mallarmé. For a useful discussion of Thomas de Quincey as a precursor of situationism, see: Coverley, Merlin. 2010. Psychogeography. Harpenden: Pocket Essentials. Quincey is extensively quoted by Aldous Huxley in his essay on the Carceri. See also note 36.
[16] Robert and James Adam designed the Adelphi Terrace on the Thames after their Grand Tour. The lower level, fitted with a grim and dour expression, serves trade, and the upper level is for residential purposes, clad in sleek elegance. The revolutionary project was the first to create a Thames Embankment. As it failed financially, the Adam brothers moved to Scotland, where their father William was a respected architect. In Edinburgh, Robert Adam gave a boost to the New Town with the palatial Charlotte Square, and turned the Old Town into a pensile city with the design of the North and South Bridges. Interestingly, William Chambers, who would mock Piranesi for ‘styling himself as an architect’, followed up on the Adelphi with the design of Somerset House, which in an initial design showed a similar heavily rusticated infrastructure. This was pointed out by John Wilton-Ely in “Piranesi and British architects in Rome,” in Mariani, Ginevra (ed.). 2017. Giambattista Piranesi, Matrici incise 1761-1765. Roma: Editalia, pp.39-48.
[17] Berque, Augustin. 1995. Les raisons du paysage de la Chine antique aux environnements de synthèse (The reasons of landscape from ancient China to virtual environments). Paris: Hazan. Berque sees the origin of a full-fledged landscape culture in China. Ancient Greece and Rome had no word for landscape. In Europe, the word landscape originated in 17th. century Flemish painting. In the 18th century, William Chambers, who published two treatises on Chinese gardens, initiated the creation of landscape gardens (‘jardins anglo-chinois’). Piranesi’s Campo Marzio might have been inspired by their ‘wild’ artifices.
[18] Wallis de Vries, Gijs. 2014. Archescape. On the tracks of Piranesi. Amsterdam: Thousand & One Publishers.
[19] In the letter to Nicola Giobbe at the occasion of the publication of his Prima Parte in 1743, Piranesi used the word ‘vaghezza’, when maintaining that perspective is the source from which architecture draws its greatest and soundest beauty (“tragga la sua maggiore, e più soda vaghezza”). See also: Stoppani, Teresa. 2009. ‘The vague, the viral, the parasitic: Piranesi’s Metropolis’, Footprint, Vol.5, pp,147-160. Ignasi de Solà-Morales coined the concept of ‘terrain vague’ in 2015 in “Terrain Vague,” Anyplace. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp.118-123.
[20] Baudelaire, Charles. 1861. Les Fleurs du al, Spleen et Idéal, IV: Correspondances. Paris: Gallimard. Translation by the author.
[22] Edward Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, written 1766-1788. Since the Renaissance the Capitol Hill is a locus for reflections on ancient Rome. The Florentine humanist Poggio Bracciolini set the tone in “De varietate fortunae” (“On the vicissitudes of fate”), written 1447-8. The gaze would rest on the Forum where once Caesar walked and now the cattle graze. Piranesi on the contrary turned his gaze to the North, soaring high above the Capitol, in the Scenographia Campi Martii that shows a deserted Campo Marzio with the remains of the Pantheon and a few other ruins.
[22] Plate XVII of the Campo Marzio depicts on the foreground a broken arch of the Circus Flaminius that appears to breathe or sigh, while a shepherd roams among the remains of the Theatre of Pompejanus, and an old woman stoops by an eroded column of a sanctuary of Apollo: expressing a melancholy Piranesi transcends in the ichnographia. Zooming in on the large scenographia, the Campo Marzio includes a number of such bewitching images of a city deserted after its fall.
[23] The Forma Urbis measured 18x13 metres. The remains, about 10%, have partly been identified. For its relation with the map of G.B. Nolli (1748) and Piranesi’s ichnographia, as well as their relation with recent architecture venues: Joost van Gorkom, Joost, Lubbers, Emma, Wallis de Vries, Gijs and Wuytack, Karel (eds.). 2013. SEMINARCH, Vol.5 (April): Thing Theory & Urban Objects in Rome. Eindhoven: Technische Universiteit Eindhoven.
[24] Piranesi, G.B. 1761. Della Magnificenza ed Architettura de’ Romani. Rome: G.B. Piranesi.
[25] Giambattista Nolli, Nuova Pianta di Roma, 1748. In facsimile with an introduction by Allan Ceen, New York: J.H. Aronson, 1991. In 1978 Nolli’s map became the cradle of postmodern architecture, its twelve sectors allotted to twelve famous architects who ‘rewrote’ the plan. Michael Graves, guest editor of the AD Profile issued on the venue called ‘Roma Interrotta’ reflected on ‘the value of the figure made in the voids of the urban landscape’. In Nolli’s plan this ‘figural void’ is architecturally rendered as public space (streets, squares, churches); the rest is ’urban poché’ and rendered black (residential and commercial stock). Graves distinguished this position from the one taken by Piranesi in his Campo Marzio, and its ‘set pieces’ juxtaposed as ‘figures without a common ground’ (quoted and discussed in van Gorkom et. al, 2013, SEMINARCH, Vol.5, see note 23).
[26] Spuybroek, Lars. 2015. ‘The acrobatics of the figure: Piranesi and magnificence’, in Gijs Wallis de Vries. Archescape. The Piranesi flights, Eindhoven: Technische Universiteit Eindhoven, pp. 3-10.
[27] Aureli, Pier Vittorio. 2011. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. See: Chapter 3, “Instauratio Urbis. Piranesi’s Campo Marzio versus Nolli’s Nuova Pianta di Roma.” Aureli aims at liberating the politics of architecture from the bureaucracy of urbanism.
[28] Connors, Joseph. 2011. Piranesi and the Campus Martius: the missing Corso. Topography and Archaeology in Eighteenth-Century Rome, Milan: Jaca Book. In his patient and erudite reading of the ichnographia, Connors argues that Piranesi removes the Corso-Via Flaminia to make room for the Mausoleum of Augustus in a vastly expanded Campo Marzio. My dissertation (1990) discussed the arguments Piranesi himself alleges for this surprising removal: leaving the Tiber-plain free for exercise, a trajectory over the hills was also better to defend against the enemy. Plate XL shows remains of a bridge upstream of the bridge usually considered to be the north entry to Rome. Although the bridge does not figure on the large ichnographia, a small map on top of it, and three small plans (plate III), show the trajectory of the Via Flaminia (according to Piranesi). If the Campo Marzio is devoid of roads, or rather, streets, Piranesi called the Roman roads a world wonder in Della Magnificenza, and celebrated the Via Appia on a fantastic frontispiece of the Antichità Romane. Both Via Flaminia and Via Appia are interregional roads, the first to the north, the second to the south.
[29] Piranesi’s scenographies show only pedestrians. He must have known that the Campus Martius was forbidden for horses and carriages during daytime.
[30] An entire volume of the Antichità is about the Tiber bridges and depicts their over-dimensioned construction, including foundations. Piranesi also indicates flood levels, and points at extra openings for highwater caused by melting snow.
[31] Piranesi, G.B. 1761. Della Magnificenza ed Architettura.
[32] Piranesi, G.B. Campo Marzio, pl. XX. It shows a partly underground aqueduct.
[33] Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Félix. 1980. Mille Plateaux, Capitalisme et Schizophrénie. Paris: Minuit.
[34] Deleuze and Guattari first proposed the flight line in Kafka. Pour une Litérature Mineure. Stating that “the problem of Kafka is language, architecture, bureaucracy, and flight lines;” (p. 136) they wrote that “a flight line may also happen on the spot, a flight in intensity.” See: Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Félix. 1975. Kafka. Pour une Litérature Mineure. Paris: Minuit, pp. 136, 25. Tim Ingold developed a novel science of lines in Lines, A Brief History (London and New York: Routledge, 2007). He distinguishes two kinds of lines: made of matter (thread), and made in matter (trace). The anthropological scope of his ‘lineaology’ is pursued in Ingold, Tim. 2012. The Life of Lines, London and New York: Routledge.
[35] Piranesi, G.B. 1745. Invenzioni Capric. di Carceri; Piranesi, G.B. 1760. Carceri d’Invenzione.
[36] Huxley, Aldous. 1949. Prisons, with the “Carceri” etchings by G.B. Piranesi. London: Trianon.
[37] Spuybroek, Grace and Gravity, p.313. Spuybroek describes the Carceri and Campo Marzio as nonidentical twins. My hypothesis of a Roman underground might be verified in Piranesi’s map of aqueducts, both above and under the ground in Antichità Romane I, plate XXXVIII, 1756.
[38] Wallis de Vries, Gijs. 2012. Piranesi, le Vedute di Roma. A Journey through the Eternal City. Ede, Netherlands: Heritage Editions.
[39] Pieper, Jan. 1987. Das Labyrinthische. Ueber die Idee des Verborgenen, Rätselhaften, Schwierigen in der Geschichte der Architektur (The Labyrinthian. On the Idea of the Hidden, Enigmatic, and Difficult in Architectural History). Basel: Birkhauser.
[40] Pasquali, 2016. “Piranesi’s Campo Marzio,” p.181. Pasquali found an early advertisement of the Campo Marzio in an English periodical of 1757, which describes the scenographies as perspectives inferred from the ground plans. Interestingly, the Italian text reads: “ricavate dalle piante” which means “delved” or “drawn from.” Pasquali points out that the scenographies are in fact isometric projections. She convincingly reconstructs the initial composition of scenographies around the ichnographia, and argues that in the course of its production the Campo Marzio became less architectural and more archaeological. I do not agree. As architectural exercise, the ichnography is much more inspiring than the scenographies: not ‘drawn out’ but ‘drawn on’.
[41] Rilke, Rainer. 1912-22. Duineser Elegien, 5.
[42] Piranesi, G.B. 1765. Osservazioni, frontispiece. See also: Wallis de Vries, Gijs. 2016. “Six theses after Piranesi,” in Marc Schoonderbeek et al (eds.), X Agendas for Architecture. London: Artifice Books on Architecture, pp.22-29.
[43] Extra-classical indicates the ‘extravaganza’ outside and beyond the classical tradition Piranesi was steeped in and from which he would only draw the exception to the rule. In 1778, in his last work, as he depicted the temples of Paestum, icons of the Doric order, Piranesi delighted in pointing at irregularities and ‘bizarreries’ (e.g. his comments on the Temple of Neptune, plate X and XI). Manfredo Tafuri called him anti-classical, pointing at Mannerist and Baroque experiments. John Wilton-Ely wrote that “[In the Ichnographia] Piranesi is far closer to the emerging ideals of Neo-Classicism [than to the Baroque style], even if at this date no other designer had pushed this logical process of pattern-making to such extremes.” (Wilton-Ely. 1978. The mind and art of Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Chapter 4, Controversy). Piranesi certainly is innovative, but he is far from the neo-classicist’s love of “noble simplicity” (Winckelmann). Lars Spuybroek coined the word para-classical (p.316) for Piranesi, which perfectly catches Piranesi’s paradoxical course (Spuybroek, Grace and Gravity, Chapter 8).
[44] Spuybroek, Grace and Gravity, Chapter 8: “The Campo Marzio is a spectral city drenched in perpetual golden sunlight, (…) where the risen meet the fallen and the dead meet the dead” (p.317).
[45] Frans Sturkenboom constructs an interesting link between Mannerism and Modernism in De gestiek van de architectuur. Een leerboek hedendaags maniërisme (Arnhem: ArtEZ Press, 2017). Against the modernist concept of space, Sturkenboom analyses the interest in surface, already present in early modernism, which he conceptualizes in terms of tectonics and gesture, referring to, among others, Heidegger and Deleuze.
[46] Piranesi, G.B. 1796. Diverse Maniere, p.10. Piranesi used the words “di mezzo alla tema esce il diletto” to distinguish the frightening gravity of Egyptian architecture from the pleasing grace of the ancient Greeks, and praised the “bold, stiff, and hard” (“ardite, risentite, e aspre”) manners of the Egyptians as particularly suited to architecture. The full title of the trilingual book (Italian, French, English) is Divers Manners of Ornamenting Chimneys and all other parts of houses taken from Egyptian, Tuscan, and Grecian Architecture, with an apologetical essay in defence of Egyptian and Tuscan architecture.
[47] Fokkema, Douwe. 2011. Perfect Worlds. Utopian Fiction in China and the West. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.
[48] Bregman, Rutger. 2018. Utopia for realists: And How We Can Get There. London: Bloomsbury.
[49] Piranesi uses the words “Ampio magnifico” (“vast and magnificent”) to describe both the capriccio of a port (see note 09) and the plan of a university, which he endowed with a central stairwell that joins centripetal and centrifugal movement.
Figures
Banner.
G.B. Piranesi, Ichnographia Campi Martii (Map of the Field of Mars), detail from Plate VI, 1762.
01.
G.B. Piranesi, Ichnographia Campi Martii (Map of the Field of Mars), Plate VI – X, 1762.
02.
G.B. Piranesi, Parte di Ampio Magnifico Porto (Part of a Vast and Magnificent Port), Opere Varie, 1750.
03.
G.B. Piranesi, Emissario del Lago Albano (Outlet of the Aqueduct from Lake Albano), 1762.
04.
The Adelphi Terrace by Robert and James Adam, London, built 1768-1772, a fragment of a pensile city; and C.N. Ledoux, La vue perspective de la ville de Chaux (Project for an ideal city), 1773 (Published 1804).
05.
‘Terrain vague’: rough in-between space in a detail of Plate IX of the Ichnographia of the Campo Marzio.
06.
G.B. Piranesi, Scenographia Campi Martii, Plate II.
07.
G.B. Piranesi, Pianta di Roma (Map of Rome with pieces of the ancient Forma Urbis arranged around a map indicating the remains of classical Rome), Antichità Romane, I, 1756.
08.
Details of the Ichnographia, Plate VI, with Cubicula and Domus Plebejae next to Monuments, the Via Triumphalis zigzagging between them, crossing the Tiber off the axis of the Mausoleum of Hadrian.
09.
G.B. Nolli, Nuova Pianta di Roma, 1748, detail around the Piazza Navona, clearly showing the poché and formal spaces cut into it.
10.
Ara Ditis et Proserpina (Sanctuary of Hades and Proserpina), detail of a small scenography of the Campo Marzio.
11.
The deviated Via Flaminia on an inset map, Plate V, and in detail on Plate VIII of the Ichnographia.
12.
Section showing the foundations of Ponte S. Angelo and Castel S. Angelo, the former Mausoleum of Hadrian, Antichità Romane, IV.
13.
The wind rose as a ‘meteor’, and the ‘crack’, details of Plate X of the Ichnographia.
14.
G.B. Piranesi, the triangular figure of the Ludus and the hexagonal figure of the Officinae Machinarum Militarium (left), with the joint temples of Mars, Jupiter and Venus to the right.
15.
G.B. Piranesi, Frontispiece of the Carceri, second state, 1760-61, and Plate II (the disjointed horizon to the right producing a shift in time) of the Carceri.
16.
G.B. Piranesi, Carceri, pl. XIV, displaying massive masonry in an unsettling perspective.
17.
G.B. Piranesi, Antichità Romane, III, frontispiece depicting the Circus Maximus, and a detail of Veduta, Villa Adriana, noting the ‘Baroque’ concave and convex composition.
18.
G.B. Piranesi, Veduta del Foro di Nerva (note the caption inside the view) and Veduta del Acqua Felice (note the caption as integral part of the scene).
https://doi.org/10.2218/0b1h2x25
